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  1. Following the Links From Russian Hackers to the U.S. Election
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  3. Labor spying in the United States - Wikipedia
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However, the decision in Riley v. Until now, the courts have generally allowed arresting officers to seize and search cell phones, along with weapons, wallets, and other personal effects, on the grounds that these seizures were necessary to protect the officers, prevent the destruction of evidence, and solve crimes.

Following the Links From Russian Hackers to the U.S. Election

After the San Diego police arrested Riley and seized his cell phone, they found evidence on it, including photos, that linked him to a gang shooting, for which he was subsequently convicted and imprisoned. Our holding, of course, is not that the information on a cell phone is immune from search; it is instead that a warrant is generally required before such a search, even when a cell phone is seized incident to arrest.

Justice Samuel Alito also agreed with the ruling, but he wrote an opinion of his own suggesting several ways in which it could be narrowed.

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In justifying the trade-off, Roberts pointed to the broad and pervasive nature of cell phones and other digital gadgets. And since searches of homes require court warrants, it only makes sense for searches of cell phones to require one. In making this argument, Roberts reached back as far as the Revolutionary era, and the background to the passage of the Fourth Amendment. The argument sounds persuasive. Finally, between and , the US began to reach a breaking point. But it was far from clear how any government or company might successfully turn back the tide of Chinese incursions.

President Obama pressed the issue of cyberthefts in his first meeting with President Xi in , only to be met with more denials. Attorney general Eric Holder took the podium to announce charges against five hackers for breaking into the systems of several US companies, including U. Steel, Westinghouse, and a renewable-energy outfit called SolarWorld.

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Two of the men were even pictured in their crisp dress uniforms. The press conference marked the first time the US had ever indicted individual foreign agents for cyber intrusions. It made front-page headlines across the country, instantly bumping the issue of Chinese economic espionage off the back burner of public consciousness. At the Pittsburgh airport, Carlin lamented the obvious: None of the hackers would face a US courtroom anytime soon.

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The bureau will say only that it opened its investigation after seeing emails between them. Since its completion, the C had become a key means of delivering troops, vehicles, and supplies to the front lines of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as delivering humanitarian supplies the world over. American intelligence agencies knew that, for years, the Chinese had been struggling to build their own large cargo plane, a necessary tool for any modern military that wants to project its power over a large area. Right away, the FBI alerted Boeing to the intrusions. Boeing declined to comment on this story.

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After that, agents in Los Angeles began wading through encrypted attachments and translating each message from Chinese. The emails would ultimately give them an incredibly detailed picture of the inner workings of a Chinese espionage operation.

Not only that, they realized, it might also give them a chance to actually arrest someone. Two of the conspirators—the ones who did the actual hacking—were out of reach in China. He had two kids, both born in Canada; his wife had been a gynecologist, and his oldest son went to college in Switzerland. In , he was interviewed by The Wall Street Journal as part of a story about wealthy Chinese decamping for the West. He said he was the son of an army officer and that he had made millions as an aerospace entrepreneur. He told the Journal that he found the rules of the West less restrictive.

China's extended campaign of commercial espionage has raided almost every highly developed economy. But far and away its biggest targets have been the military secrets of the United States. From what the agents could reconstruct, the hacking conspiracy had begun as early as It was tedious work. Some of the file directories ran to thousands of pages; in one dump of nearly 1, pages, Su meticulously highlighted files that seemed most likely to be useful to his Chinese Army contacts—files with names like C17Hangar Requirements All told, according to their own accounting, Su and his two Chinese partners stole , files related to the C, totaling about 65 GB of data.

Investigators believe they pillaged MB of data related to the F Raptor, as well as files related to the F, including its flight test protocols, which Su carefully translated into Chinese. The more they dug, the more the agents realized what a uniquely valuable conspirator Su Bin was, perhaps even sui generis as a spy.

He was conversant with the aerospace community, and he spoke English, Chinese, and the technical jargon of aviation in both languages, able to translate the complex world of industrial design schematics, plans, and handbooks. According to court documents, the hackers covered their tracks by pinballing stolen files through a sophisticated international server network, with machines planted in the US, Singapore, and Korea.

They carefully disguised documents as they stole them, so as to circumvent the internal intrusion alarms at Boeing. Ultimately, the files would be deposited on machines near Hong Kong and Macau. There, officials would pick them up and transfer them back to China—in person, further covering all tracks between the United States and China. While the two hackers in China have not been charged publicly, the US government knows who they are; according to court records, investigators intercepted an email that one of the hackers had received with a copy of his own ID card, which included his photo, name, and date of birth.

After their detention the Garratts found themselves caught in China's Kafkaesque justice system, interrogated regularly but with nothing to confess. China denied the accusation.

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Given the chance to help break up a Chinese hacking ring, authorities north of the border were perhaps unusually motivated to help. In any case, they said yes. By June , the investigative teams knew that Su Bin was planning to leave the country for China—though no one knew for how long. They decided that now was the time to act. A few days before his scheduled trip, Canadian authorities pulled Su Bin over and arrested him. Right away, China knew that one of its most valuable intelligence assets had been caught. International extraditions, even from close partners and allies, are always complicated.

As Su Bin prepared for his initial court appearances, China quickly decided to send a not-so-subtle message to Canada. Their family retained James Zimmerman, an American lawyer with the firm Perkins Coie, who had spent nearly two decades working in Beijing. He began to piece together the case against the couple. The Chinese government, he realized, was leveling charges against Kevin Garratt that were almost a mirror image of the US charges against Su Bin. While the investigators are not allowed to torture the suspects, mistreatment is a matter of definition.

In November , while Su Bin and the Garratts sat behind bars, the Chinese rolled out their own knockoff military cargo plane at an annual air show in Zhuhai. At the show, the Xian Y—codenamed Kunpeng after a mythical ancient Chinese bird capable of flying long distances—was parked across the tarmac from an American C Aviation enthusiasts noted how similar the two planes looked, right down to the design of their tail fins.

To anyone monitoring the traffic of Chinese cyberthefts, the one-two punch of the PLA indictments and the Su Bin arrest seemed to make a real difference. China, they figured, saw its economic espionage—like all espionage—via the lens of cost-benefit analysis. With the indictment and arrest of Su Bin, the Americans felt that they had begun to change one side of that equation—and now it was time for them to up the ante.

President Xi was scheduled to make his first state visit to Washington at the end of September In the weeks leading up to the visit, the Obama administration set out to bring the tensions between the two nations to a head. In August , The Washington Post ran an article warning that the US government was getting ready to issue sanctions targeting China for its hacking.

We are prepared to take some countervailing actions in order to get their attention. The warnings, both public and private, got through.

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For days, the negotiations were tense and stilted. But finally, on the night before the delegation was set to return home, the Chinese called the White House for a final set of talks. It turned out to be too late to arrange access to the White House, so the groups met at the Omni Shoreham Hotel instead, perched on the edge of Rock Creek Park. Aides from the White House, the Justice Department, the Department of Homeland Security, and the State Department, among others, talked through the night with the much-larger Chinese delegation.